Floating up & down, floating all around
A floating nightmare unable to hit ground
I see Kabul, I see Herat
The parachute an eternal tea-party hat
Down below in Pluckame I see
The last Taliban setting fire to the voting shed
I loosen my artificial leg, it falls free
Like a smart bomb it hits him in the head
This vortex of wind is exasperating me
I shrug, embrace Afghaneeland reality
Dozing off with one leg left a dangle
I become a banner of star spangle
Sunrise sunset ticktocks by again & again
Dehydration comes along, hyperventilation too
Pretty soon I’m twirling with a crazy-boy grin
& a palpitating heart tells me I’m about thru
Then an arrow sticks into the heel of my one & only boot
Tied to the arrow is a very long string
This string gets taut as someone hauls me down
My last leg breaks when I slide across the ground
Mine is now a sorry plight
Without flight & without fight
Yours truly blacks out
& without light
(Text Copyright Clyde Collins 2014)
18 September 2016
The Afghan National Army (ANA) battling insurgency in the northern parts of the country has changed its war strategy from a defensive one to an offensive position and are systematically attacking insurgent strongholds, military officials confirmed.
“Now we are not in a defensive position, everyone knows that we attacked insurgents in Sar-e-Pul province and advanced up to Masjid-e-Sabz and Deh Mordeh villages. Also we attacked the Taliban in Baghlan and our operation is ongoing in Kunduz as well,” said General Mohmand Katawazai, a military official in the north.
Katawazai added that Afghan security forces are targeting the enemy but that they are having difficulties destroying Taliban strongholds in remote areas.
He said that the Afghan security forces are not afraid of the risks as they advance on the insurgents.
Meanwhile, military officials in the north have said the Taliban’s “Omari” operation – their summer offensive – has failed and that in the past five months a large number of insurgent have been killed in the north and south-east of the country.
“In the recent five months, 1,010 insurgents were killed and their bodies remained on the battlefields,” said General Hasibullha Quraishi, a special forces commander in northern Balkh province.
Quraishi added: “Around 405 wounded insurgents have been arrested by security forces. We can say that intelligence forces have confirmed this.”
He added that Afghan security forces also had sustained casualties, but their numbers were less.
However, the Kohistanat district in Sar-e-Pul province has been under Taliban control for the past year while a few other districts in the province are under serious threat.
Asked why an operation has not been launched to retake Kohistanat district from the Taliban, Mohammad Zahir Wahdat, governor of Sar-e-Pul, said: “The reason why a large-scale operation has not been launched in Kohistanat, I think is because security forces, the president, the chief executive, ministers and other security sectors are busy trying to solve the problems.”
However, he did not clarify what he meant by the word problems.
Officials have however urged the public to cooperate with security forces and to not listen to the propaganda of insurgents.
16 September 2016
A number of tribal elders and residents of Nangarhar said that despite of the ongoing military operations by Afghan security forces, Daesh insurgents have captured parts of the province once again.
They said that parts of Achin, Kot and Haska Mina districts have fallen to Daesh after security forces cleared the areas and were shifted to other parts of the province.
“Daesh has moved forward instead of moving back. They [Daesh militants] were in Mardana, Narai and Oba villages of Achin in the past, but now they have captured many areas in the district,” said Malik Osman, a tribal elder in Achin district.
Other tribal elder from the province, Jahanzeb Mohmand, said: “The sacrifices of the army, police and the NDS operatives did not help the province to be cleared of Daesh completely. There is no security in
Nangarhar and the reason is the poor management in relevant organizations.”
Meanwhile, a number of provincial council members of Nangarhar blamed local officials for insecurity in the province.
“Those who are working with government to suppress Daesh are following their own benefits. They used to get money for ‘Taliban project’ in the past and now they are taking money for ‘Daesh project’. Therefore, the presence of such figures is the main reason behind government’s failure in fight against Daesh,” said Ashab Wali Muslim, member of Nangarhar provincial council.
Member of Meshrano Jirga (Upper House of Parliament), Fraidoon Khan Mohmand, meanwhile said government does not have the will to destroy Daesh.
“We doubt government’s measures against Daesh, because we witnessed that President [Ashraf Ghani] and the NDS chief came here and vowed that they will eliminate Daesh with the help of foreign forces, but now we see that the local officials are deceiving us and they are not uprooting the militant group,” he said.
Despite repeated efforts, Nangarhar officials would not comment on the report.
by Sune Engel Rasmussen
in Kabul for The Guardian
22 August 2016
More than a hundred US troops have been sent to Lashkar Gah to help prevent the Taliban from overrunning the capital of Afghanistan’s Helmand province, in what is thought to be the first US deployment to the embattled city since foreign troops withdrew in 2014.
Since late July, the Taliban have seized new territory across Helmand, defying a series of about 30 US airstrikes, and raising concern of an attack on the capital. The militants have also stepped up attacks in the country’s north, closing in on Kunduz, which they briefly captured last year.
“This is a big effort by the Taliban. This is probably the most serious push we’ve seen of the season,” Brig Gen Charles Cleveland, spokesman for the coalition forces in Afghanistan, told reporters on Monday.
Cleveland called the US reinforcement in Helmand a “temporary effort” to advise the Afghan police, though he declined to say how long it was expected to last, citing “security reasons”.
“They’re not about to go out and conduct operations or something like that,” Cleveland said.
Neither did he specify the exact number of troops, but said they numbered “about a hundred”. Sources in Helmand believe about 130 US troops have arrived at the airport where they will be based.
The most significant Taliban advances have been Nawa and Nad Ali districts, a stone’s throw west of Lashkar Gah, where the government retain control of only a few administrative buildings.
The situation has become so bad that civilian elders of Nawa, traditionally one of Helmand’s most peaceful districts, have asked the provincial governor for weapons to join the fight, said Wali Mohammad, a villager from that district.
The Taliban also continue to block parts of the main highway leading north from Lashkar Gah, said Mohammad Rasoul Zazai, spokesman of the Afghan army’s 215th Corps. He said the road would take days to clear because it had been heavily mined.
In recent days, the Taliban have also closed in on Baghlan province, as well as Kunduz, the northern city they seized for two weeks last year, where a US airstrike destroyed a Doctors Without Borders (MSF) trauma centre.
On Saturday, government forces were briefly pushed out of the nearby Khanabad district. Fighting has already forced families to flee, as they did barely one year ago.
In Helmand, MSF has relocated part of its international staff from Lashkar Gah.
The uptick in violence has caused the Afghan army to send senior commanders around the country in a flurry to boost morale. Efforts have concentrated on Helmand, where government forces have reportedly fled the battlefield when faced with attacks, despite vastly outnumbering the Taliban.
Meanwhile, as soldiers and police are looking to commanders for military guidance, the political leadership in Kabul is on the brink of disaster as well.
In a rare public outburst, President Ashraf Ghani’s government partner, chief executive Abdullah Abdullah, recently lashed out at the president for neglecting him, calling him “unfit” to rule the country.
Aye, the coma long, the coma deep
The coma comatizes as in a coma I sleep
I levitate above the planet & my baboon race
I ricochet from orb to orb in outer space
I mingle with floating souls here & there
We meander dust-like without a care
Like molecules we form little critters & moss
Get tied together with webs of dental floss
An avalanche occurs & zillions are buried
No longer able to breath, a remnant of me is carried
Back to the Afghaneeland that I know
Dropped into a crack like a flake of snow
I hide out here for centuries without one melt
On a mountain ridge memorizing how it felt
To be alive like a snow leopard a sprint
Of the future a distant rumbling is one hint…
Text / Copyright Clyde Collins 2014
Crack a chunk of eggshell lying on the path
Murder is threatened with zealous wrath
The border gots holes, the mullah gots souls
Duck when ye dig-up yer leader’s secret goals
Holier-than-thou bumpkins shout
One thousand & one Taliban sprout
A mushroom cloud flowering in the sky
Pakistan spits in Big Bo’s eye
The pack on your back gets smaller & smaller
‘Til there’s no more to eat & nothin’s there
The enemy your mullah proposed gets taller & taller
‘Til he’s a mountain & curling clouds are his hair
Virgins circle around after a knock on the head
They’ve got long-feathered wings & oops, you’re dead
They chirp & chirp but you never get layed
You been buffaloed by the prayers you prayed
Grubby little Worm sails across the sea
He’s got ammo & a gun & he’s comin’ fer me
He blows me away, I’m gone now for writing this
A cloud now splattering him with piss
Ohhh a long endless coma is such bad news
Thoughts molesting n’ all I can do is snooze
Doggerel snapping at my fingers & gnawing on my shoe
Saved on the net & done yip-yipping at you…
Text / Copyright Clyde Collins 2014
I love my magic carpet
I ride it every day
Now that I’m in a coma
I arrive right away
This morning while riding
In a shrunken state
Like an ant on a bread crumb
However, I was late
I was supposed to sing in
Before she arose from her blankets
She’s up now without cheer
She peers at my somnolent form
on the mat in the corner
She is now wearing her burka
& I’m eternally the foreigner
Lost in a maelstrom deeper & deeper
Of comatose sleep nobody can understand
Nobody but he who voyages thusly
In strange strange Afghaneeland
Yes, lying there with plenty of time to think
He has discovered lots of things
How to do this, how to do that
& how to give Afghaneeland wings
Being as this strange land is
Really just a bubble in mine own head
I have discovered that it is I who is in charge
As I, yes, I twilight sleep on that thin bed
However, as I also ride my magic carpet
Here & there throughout the house
I discover my colonel
Sneaking a kiss with her ex-Taliban spouse
What a reminder is this!
How can it be that I rule this bubble
When Colonel Sheena Johnson rules me?
I, Capt’n Chuck Fiddler, gots trouble
Until I figure out what to do
I’ll continue my coma, my coma true blue
Where there is trouble, comfort may be found too
Mamoodia’s arrow stuck in the heel of my shoe
Text / Copyright Clyde Collins 2014
by Mujib Mashal & Taimoor Shah
New York Times
August 8, 2016
KABUL, Afghanistan — The Afghan security forces are struggling to head off an intensified Taliban offensive in Helmand Province in recent weeks, heavily relying on American airstrikes as the insurgents have again tightened the noose around Lashkar Gah, the provincial capital, according to officials and residents.
Even as Afghan and American officials insist that they will not allow another urban center to fall, concerned about the political ramifications for the struggling government in Kabul as well as the presidential campaign in the United States, residents and local officials describe Lashkar Gah as practically besieged.
The main road connecting the city and the highway to the southern commercial and military hub of Kandahar has been repeatedly blocked in recent days by the Taliban, who blew up several bridges. Civilian passengers can travel on an alternate dirt road, but have to pass through insurgent checkpoints. Many businesses and nongovernmental organizations based in Lashkar Gah are trying to evacuate, and the road blockages have added to their alarm.
The Afghan forces’ continuous failure to hold ground in a province that has seen the deployment of a large number of troops and resources, as well as hundreds of NATO military advisers, is taking a toll on the residents of Lashkar Gah. The city has long been a haven for people displaced from other areas of Helmand by the constant back and forth between the Taliban and the coalition and government forces.
Questions are also being raised about the sustainability of a military response that relies desperately on airstrikes against a guerrilla force.
“People are still coming from fighting areas to Lashkar Gah, but what if the Taliban enter Lashkar Gah?” said Ahmad Shirzad, a resident who said the sounds of distant shelling and aircraft had become constant. “We have witnessed fighting for so long that we are really fed up with this life and would be happy to be killed by the Taliban, or NATO to be done with this hardship.”
While the Taliban have held the Lashkar Gah suburb of Babaji for months, in recent weeks they have mounted offensives in Nad Ali District, overrunning a neighborhood there that is less than 10 miles from Lashkar Gah.
Since Sunday, the militants have also carried out attacks in Nawa District, the southern gate to Lashkar Gah. Nawa had remained one of only two safe districts in Helmand Province, according to internal Afghan government communications. Of Helmand’s 14 districts, the Afghan government considers four entirely under Taliban control, four facing a high threat of collapse, four with a medium threat but limited government activity, and only two as safe.
The tempo of fighting increased over the summer after a brief lull for the late-spring opium cultivation season. The escalation of the Taliban offensive this year was also slowed down by a leadership change after their supreme commander was killed by American drone strike in Pakistan.
But in that pattern, and in the intense escalation of fighting in recent weeks, this year looks much as last year did — a disastrous season of setbacks when the Taliban overran the northern provincial capital of Kunduz at the end of September and sent fear through other important cities. Also as they did last year, the insurgents are mounting offensives across several provinces to stretch the resources of an already struggling government and security establishment.
A report by ToloNews, Afghanistan’s largest news channel, found that insurgent attacks across the country had increased by 28 percent in July compared with the previous month, with Helmand Province remaining near the top. Over the same period, ground operations by Afghan forces decreased by 22 percent. But airstrikes conducted by United States and Afghan forces increased by more than 50 percent — including, for the first time in years, the reintroduction of American B-52 strategic bombers to the Afghan battlefield.
Officials said that most of those airstrikes were directed at Islamic State affiliates in eastern Afghanistan. But Afghan and American officials confirm that there has also been an increase in Helmand, where the Afghan forces have struggled to hold the line as the Taliban have drawn closer to Lashkar Gah.
Col. Mohammad Rasoul Zazai, the spokesman for the 215 Maiwand Corps of the Afghan Army, said, “We are going to weaken the enemy through airstrikes and then start ground offensives.”
Brig. Gen. Charles Cleveland, the main spokesman for the United States military command in Afghanistan, confirmed that there had been an escalation in airstrikes in Helmand — up to two or three each day, he said.
But Gen. Aqa Noor Kentoz, the police chief of Helmand, said that the average had actually been more like six or seven airstrikes a day in the past couple of weeks, and that they had been having an important effect.
“For example, 11 airstrikes have been carried out by NATO forces since yesterday, and the Afghan forces are also conducting strikes,” General Kentoz said. “The airstrikes have busted the momentum of the Taliban; otherwise Taliban would have control of the provincial capital.”
Even amid reports of insurgents sending special units to Helmand, and Afghan commanders’ claims that insurgents have amassed from neighboring areas, the Taliban numbers in the province do not exceed 2,000 fighters, with only about 500 active, according to Abdul Jabar Qahraman. Mr. Qahraman recently quit as President Ashraf Ghani’s envoy overseeing the Helmand battle and since then has publicly uttered harsh and repeated criticism of the Afghan military leadership.
That the Afghan forces, which Mr. Qahraman said numbered “20 times more than the Taliban,” have struggled so badly in Helmand despite repeated changes of leadership and scrutiny from Kabul does not bode well at a time when there is no political resolution to the conflict in sight.
Mr. Qahraman attributed the failure of the government forces mainly to the military leadership’s deep corruption and the local people’s loss of trust in them, with many feeling less harassed under Taliban rule. Many of the military leaders sent to Helmand over the years have returned richer, while the situation has only deteriorated.
Relying on airstrikes, a quick fix that is quickly becoming the main tactic of defense, is unsustainable in the face of a resilient guerrilla force, he said.
“The U.S. and Afghan air forces are increasing the bombing of areas — it is ineffective,” Mr. Qahraman said. “This is not a war of tanks and artillery. It is a guerrilla war, and the government should deal with it that way. “
Copyright New York Times 2016
by Najim Rahim & Mujib Mashal
New York Times
July 28, 2016
KUNDUZ CITY, Afghanistan — When President Ashraf Ghani visited the northern provincial capital of Kunduz last fall, after the city had finally been reclaimed after falling to the Taliban, he promised improvements to make sure things never got out of hand again.
Among the changes was creating three new administrative districts to help improve government support in the province. But nearly eight months later, those three districts are firmly under the control of the Taliban — and, in fact, government forces were never able to clear them and install the new officials. It is the same story in much of the rest of Kunduz Province, where the Taliban control or have mined many roads and have enforced their ban on smoking and listening to music in several areas.
Even in some of the Kunduz districts nominally under government control, officials’ true reach remains limited to the bazaars and the administrative buildings, with the Taliban having free movement in the villages, according to local residents. And last week, the government all but lost control of another district in the province, Qala-i-Zal.
“The district administrative building is neither with us nor with the Taliban,” the provincial police chief, Gen. Qasim Jangalbagh, said in an interview in Kunduz on Wednesday. “We have planted mines, and they have planted mines. So, it’s back and forth like that.”
The situation in the northern province speaks to a broader struggle this year for the Afghan security forces, with months of the Taliban’s offensive still ahead. Although the Afghan forces have so far done better in defending territory this year after a disastrous 2015, they have seemed unable to turn back the insurgents’ gains.
Even the expansion of American powers to conduct airstrikes has not eased the concerns of local officials in a year in which both civilian casualties and Afghan security force losses are on pace for record highs.
Abdul Karim Khadimzai, the head of the provincial council in Uruzgan, expressed concern that the security situation was spiraling out of control.
“Most of the districts are cut off by the Taliban and only the district centers are nominally controlled by the government,” Mr. Khadimzai said.
“There is nothing to eat and wear, our men are staying in the trenches for 14 months, and they are homesick and have not got a single day off to take rest or be out of danger,” said Anar Gul, a local police commander in Khas Uruzgan. “We are just counting days and night in this hardship, and any moment we are expecting death.”
In Helmand, officials said the government has been unable to regain the territories lost last year, although airstrikes have so far prevented further Taliban advances. The Babaji suburb of the provincial capital and many of the province’s northern districts remain controlled or contested by the Taliban.
“As of May, our assessment was that approximately nine districts were under insurgent control and about 27 districts were under some level of insurgent influence,” said Brig. Gen. Charles Cleveland, a spokesman for United States forces in Afghanistan.
Sediq Sediqqi, an Afghan Interior Ministry spokesman, said government forces did not have control over nine districts and faced threats in 40-45 other districts that they were working to repel.
Privately officials worry that the Taliban threat remains at least as high as it was last year.
The Taliban made another push around Kunduz City this spring. While officials said changes in the chain of command and improved discipline had helped fend off the offensive, they were quick to note that American airstrikes have been the most critical factor.
Just weeks before slowing down the withdrawel of the remaining American troops in Afghanistan, President Obama gave his commander here broader powers to use force — essentially drawing American forces deeper into a war in which the Taliban are not the government’s only enemy.
On Wednesday, the United States military announced for the first time that American troops had been wounded in combat with fighters for the Islamic State offshoot in eastern Afghanistan: Five soldiers were reported to have taken “nonlife-threatening” injuries during an offensive against the group in Nangarhar.
Mostly, though, the broader authority for American commanders has been a freer hand in using airstrikes to help the Afghan forces.
“As a commander, and working closely with my Afghan comrades every day, this is a big difference — it enables them to retain the initiative against the enemy,” Gen. John W. Nicholson, the commander of American and NATO forces, said in a recent briefing. “Whereas before we were preventing defeat, now we are able to help them gain and retain the initiative.”
One senior Western official in Kabul, however, said the loosening airstrike restrictions came out of a realization that losing more territory, particularly cities and district centers, could further destabilize the country as the fragile Afghan government is struggling to manage political and factional tensions.
The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private briefings, said that more intense airstrikes were crucial to trying to achieve some sort of stalemate with the Taliban that could eventually increase their interest in negotiating.
But in Kunduz right now, officials describe a situation in which district centers remain under government control, but the Taliban are just around the corner.
The main road from Gul Tepa, one of the areas Mr. Ghani declared a new district in November, to Kunduz City is cut off by Taliban mines, residents said. A trip to the city that once took 15 minutes, now rerouted, takes an hour. The road closures have also affected the region’s main agricultural produce: melons and watermelons.
“In Gul Tepa, it’s all Taliban — they treat us well, but they make every home serve them food every 10 days or so, and they have told people not to smoke cigarettes and hashish or listen to music,” said Zabihullah, a shopkeeper in the district who goes by one name. “Since the government said this place will be a new district, we haven’t seen the government carrying out an operation to come and help our pain.”
Taimoor Shah & Mohammad Fahim Abed contributed reporting from Kandahar & Kabul, Afghanistan
Copyright New York Times 2016
by Emmarie Huetteman
New York Times
WASHINGTON — Zar Mohammad Stanikzai remembers the promise made to him when he became a translator supporting the United States military in 2012: Help us, and we will keep you safe. Four years later, his fear of Taliban reprisals has made him a prisoner in his Afghan home, he said, and he is still waiting for the Americans to honor their commitment.
Instead, Congress is bickering over the program meant to be his deliverance.
Republican infighting, infused with nativist tones, has left in question whether a special visa program for translators and interpreters who assisted the military during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq will be renewed, a potentially devastating blow to approximately 12,000 Afghans whose immigration applications are in limbo.
“We’ve really been trying to reinforce the fact to Afghans that we are committed to you, and this gives the enemy some propaganda to say, ‘Hey, these people really aren’t committed to you,’ ” said Brig. Gen. Charles H. Cleveland, spokesman for the American command in Afghanistan.
“It’s our credibility that is on the line,” he added.
Senator John McCain of Arizona, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee and a longtime champion of the visa program, was blunt. “People are going to die,” Mr. McCain said on the Senate floor, challenging a fellow Republican who was blocking more visas. “Don’t you understand the gravity of that?”
For more than eight years, the State Department has offered a visa program designated for many of those who face an “ongoing serious threat” as a result of having provided critical linguistic support — whether in oral interpretation or written translation — in Afghanistan and Iraq. In the last two and a half years, officials say, they have issued visas to more than 8,000 Afghans and their immediate families through the program, which members of the armed services, military officials and lawmakers from both parties have hailed as indispensable to national security.
Then this year, something changed: A few Republicans said no, asking whether more visas were necessary when the State Department still had visas from previous years that could be distributed.
Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee — which has jurisdiction over immigration matters — also questioned the cost of adding the 4,000 visas that the Obama administration requested this year, pointing to a Congressional Budget Office estimate of $446 million over the next 10 years.
After Congress failed to approve more visas in the House and Senate defense bills, a bipartisan group of senators tried again last month with a compromise that would have added 2,500 visas — only to be blocked by Senator Mike Lee, Republican of Utah, who said his quarrel was not with the visa program but rather with the fact that it was getting a vote while one of his own, unrelated measures was not.
Mr. McCain responded by accusing Mr. Lee of “signing the death warrants” of people who had put their lives on the line to help the United States.
Mr. Stanikzai would agree. Now 24, he first applied in 2013 for one of the visas, writing to American officials later that year that an imam had warned his father that his son must stop working for the Americans or be killed. He then described how he came under fire as he drove home from his mosque, his car hit by three rounds from an AK-47, he said.
If the Taliban find him — or any of the Afghans hoping the United States will grant them visas — “they will kill us,” he said in an interview.
Yet with neither the House nor the Senate approving more visas in their competing defense policy bills, lawmakers hashing out a compromise this fall may be unlikely to step in.
Much of the resistance seems to stem from a growing discomfort with immigrants, said Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Democrat of New Hampshire and one of the visa program’s most active supporters. One Republican counterproposal this year would have offset each special visa by deducting one green-card visa from the 50,000 allocated every year to ordinary immigrants. “What that said to me is that the issue here is not really the special immigrant visas for our interpreters,” she said. “It was, ‘How do we keep from allowing more people into the United States?’ ”
In an election year in which many voters have cheered Donald J. Trump’s call to keep out migrants from Muslim countries, Ryan C. Crocker, who served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq, saw more troubling motivations.
“I haven’t heard members say that openly, but I sometimes wonder if behind a reluctance to move in a positive fashion lurks that anti-Muslim sentiment,” he said.
John Kirby, the State Department’s spokesman, said the vetting of applicants included fingerprint and facial recognition checks as part of a full counterterrorism screening.
The government has struggled to keep pace with the influx of Afghan and Iraqi applications for special visas and changes to the eligibility rules made by lawmakers, mistakenly disqualifying some applicants and trapping others in a holding pattern that lasts months or even years. That is time, several translators and interpreters said, that the applicants cannot afford to waste as they face serious threats to their lives every day.
As the Obama administration works out those problems, congressional inaction would turn off the spigot at the end of the year and shut out any new applications.
That has horrified program supporters, including many military officers. Gen. David H. Petraeus and Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, former commanders of the United States forces in Afghanistan, as well as Gen. John W. Nicholson Jr., the current commander, have pressed Congress to renew the program.
Simply debating whether to help those who helped the United States is damaging, Mr. Crocker said, because it leaves people wondering, as he put it, “What kind of people are those Americans?”
Mohammad Nasim Hashimyar, 29, said he worked with the American Special Forces in Afghanistan for a little more than a year, but his visa was rejected because of a “lack of faithful and valuable service,” according to the letter he received from the American Embassy. He kept it along with a handful of certificates of appreciation and letters of recommendation from soldiers he helped, including one who wrote that Mr. Hashimyar was “the key to success” in many of their efforts. He has appealed his rejection.
Facing threats to him and his family, he said he avoided leaving his home when possible, and he carried a gun.
“I wish I have never worked with them,” he said. “I destroyed my life.”
Mohammad Fahim Abed contributed reporting from Kabul, Afghanistan
Copyright New York Times 2016
The brave people of Pluckame
Witness a convulsion of miracles in their village
In the wake of ex-Taliban Habibullah’s marriage to
Col. Sheena Johnson, errant U.S. Army
Habibullah’s resplendent wife via her inner ear is the recipient
Of the whispered guidance from afar of Saint Joan of Arizona
The reincarnation of Saint Joan of Arc
Whose trip from Mars to Earth is a tale in which we will not indulge here
I guess the exit of the U.S. Army out of Nuristan Province
And the mysterious return of the legendary colonel
Have expanded the probabilities of divine intervention
So that miracles occur one after another in Pluckame now
Such as the crash landing of yours truly
Capt’n Chuck Fiddler, retired U.S. Army
An artificial limb gone astray & my last leg broken
I lay in a coma and, alas, alive
In the corner of a back room in the humble home of the happy couple
Lay I in prostrate idiocy & miraculous survival & the ceaseless sacrifice
Of Habibullah’s cousin the unfathomable Mamoodia
Without her deft manipulations I would have died a long time ago
Lying in a seemingly endless coma I have managed to penetrate
The innermost laboratories of my dumb-ass brain to such a degree that
I have figured out how to miniaturize on a tiny magic carpet & fly
in & out of my left nostril to explore the doings of this household
Of course, flying around in such a remarkable state amongst the
Brothers, sisters, parents, grand parents, aunts, lost uncles, dug-up ancestors &
Other popping in & out neighborhood orphans of Habibullah’s household
I couldn’t help but get discovered by ~ rug rats!
Copyright Clyde Collins 2014