About Rawclyde!

I have employed a few pen names throughout the years. Rawclyde with an exclamation mark (!) is the one too sticky to go away...

trump’s peace deal & taliban violence

afghan security forces & citizens putting up with lots o’ nasty taliban!

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by Mujib Mashal

New York Times

June 28, 2020

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KABUL Afghanistan ~ Two employees of Afghanistan’s human rights commission were killed in Kabul on Saturday as a bomb attached to their vehicle exploded, the latest in a rising number of targeted killings in the Afghan capital.

From assassinations of religious scholars and assaults against cultural figures to widespread Taliban attacks across the country, the rise in violence is sapping the brief optimism from an American agreement with the Taliban.  Under that deal, the United States would withdraw its troops, paving the way for direct negotiations between the Afghan sides to end the war in a hoped-for political settlement.

The peace deal has hit a wall over a prisoner exchange that was supposed to enable direct talks.  Instead, the violence has intensified.

In a statement, Afghanistan’s Independent Human Rights Commission said one of its vehicles was struck by a magnetic bomb on Saturday morning killing two employees who were on their way to work.

The victims were identified as Fatima Khalil, 24, a donor coordinator for the commission who had recently completed a degree from the American University of Central Asia in Kyrgyzstan, and Jawid Folad, a longtime driver at the commission.

“So far no group has claimed responsibility, and the perpetrators of this brutal attack are not clear,” the statement said.

Afghan and American officials say the war has entered a complicated period of uncertainty with an emboldened  insurgency aided by regional powers exerting pressure on a struggling government by cranking up bloody attacks, often without claiming them.

In a sign of the complexity of the war zone, U.S intelligence recently concluded that the Taliban were receiving bounty money from Russian intelligence for targeting American and coalition forces last year even as they negotiated peace with the United States.

The deal, signed in February, included the exchange of 5,000 Taliban prisoners for 1,000 Afghan forces within 10 days of its signing.  That exchange, which was met with resistance from the Afghanistan government, is only now nearing completion with the release of nearly 4000 Taliban prisoners.

The Taliban agreed not to attack American targets but refused a cease-fire with Afghan government forces, leaving that to direct negotiations between the Afghan sides.  However, American officials said there was an informal understanding with the insurgents that they would reduce their attacks by 80 percent.  Afghans have been increasingly frustrated that they haven’t seen that reduction in violence, and the United States, focused on President Trump’s urgency to get out of the war, has done little to hold the Taliban to it.

The Afghan National Security Council said June had seen the deadliest week of  the war, with 291 Afghan soldiers killed in Taliban attacks in one week.  Javid Faisal, a spokesman for the National Security Council, said the Taliban attacks in the past three months rose nearly 40 percent compared with the same period last year.

“We have had deep concern since the agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban was signed,” said Haidar Afzaly, the head of the Afghan Parliament’s Defense Committee.  “The only group that has benefited from that is the Taliban, who are seeing their prisoners released.”

He said the Taliban, who were set back by frequent airstrikes in 2019, “are emboldened now” and “have expanded their attacks.”

Officials say the Taliban are also exploiting the grey areas of the battlefield complicated by remnants of a weakening Islamic State and the rising presence of criminal networks as the coronavirus outbreak further damages the country’s struggling economy.

The Taliban have increasingly subcontracted assassinations and targeted killings to criminal networks in the cities, a senior Afghan security official said, putting pressure on the country’s intelligence agency and law enforcement.  In the countryside, the Taliban are continuing bloody attacks in the open, but they have refrained from publicizing the attacks to avoid a direct clash with the United States so as not to endanger the withdrawal of American troops.

In a sign of the conflict’s complexity, among the latest victims targeted for assassinations were five prosecutors with the Afghan attorney general’s office who were fatally shot on their way to the Bagram prison to help release Taliban prisoners.

The killings added to a long list of assassinations, including two of the most prominent religious scholars in Kabul, who were killed by explosions inside their mosques.  Another explosion struck the family of the renowned Afghan writer and poet Assadullah Walwaliji, killing his wife Anisa and teenage daughter Alteen.

“The investigation into the killing of one scholar hadn’t been completed when they martyred a second one,” said Mawlawi Habibullah Hasam, the head of an Afghan religious scholars’ union.

“We have told the government very clearly ~ if, God forbid, another scholar is martyred, then we have no other choice but to directly blame the government as the murderer.”

“They are responsible for security,” Mr, Hasam said.  “You can’t just put up a Facebook statement and say this group did it.  What are you here for then?”

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every step should be measured

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editorial

afghanistan times

june 21, 2020

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The progress of the peace process in Afganistan has been promising recently.  Thousands of prisoners have been released by the Afghan government and the Taliban, a move that contributes somewhat to the trust-building between the warring sides. Reports of the possible launch of intra-Afghan talks by the end of June are circulating in the media, with Doha of Qatar having been finalized and agreed upon by the sides as the venue for the all-Afghan negotiations.  In a recent development, head of U.S. Central Command, Gen. Kenneth McKenzie, informed that Washington has reduced its troops number to 8,600 in Afghanistan.  This measure marks the fulfilment of the first phase pullout obligation under the U.S.~Taliban agreement signed in February this year.  All these steps gradually build up and advance the peace process.  As the U.S.~Taliban peace pact also calls for the full withdrawal of the U.S. military from the country by May 2021, it is based on some conditions, including severing ties with terrorist groups.  McKenzie referred to this provision, saying it was an “aspirational” commitment, but also conditional:  “Conditions would have to be met that satisfy us that attacks against our homeland are not going to be generated from Afghanistan.”  Meanwhile, it wasn’t long before the Taliban renewed their commitmet to honor the peace pact, saying Afghanistan wouldn’t be used against anyone.  “They should not be concerned,” said the group’s spokesman.  Although the small steps towards peace are significant, the conditions-based approach to withdrawal and peace in Afghanistan so far is laudable. This is as there are concerns that this approach is just a pretext.  There are already reports that the Trump administration is mulling over at a range of options to pull out all of its troops from Afghanistan, most likely at an early date.  The haste in this regard stems from the fact that President Trump is targeting this November, when the U.S. presidential election is scheduled, to present the bringing home of soldiers as an achievment to the public and thus secure votes.  Therefore, the only concern crossing Afghans’ minds is that such pretexts of conditions-based approach are not focused on U.S. interests alone.  To put it clearly, some believe that there is a high probability that the Trump administration might withdraw before the scheduled date and after the election is conducted, it would use the card of the terrorism to re-deploy some troops into Afghanistan.  If the country really wants to extricate itself from Afghanistan, peace is the only face-saving way to achieve that end.  And if not, pretexts of conditions are there to make the withdrawal ambiguous and open-ended.  Thus, every step taken in this regard should be measured and deliberate in order to avoid jeopardizing the whole peace process and the progress made so far.  The worst-case scenario could be making peace a means to secure U.S. interests and ignore those of Afghanistan.

latest “peace deal” details

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interview by der spiegel (german news magazine)

with zalmay khalilzad

found in the march 15, 2020 ariana news

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DER SPIEGEL: As the special representative of U.S. President Donald Trump, you signed an agreement with the Taliban in late February. What did you achieve?

Khalilzad: We achieved several United States objectives: First, the Taliban have made commitments that they were not prepared to make before. These include a break with al-Qaida; not to host or support any terrorist groups that would threaten the security of the United States and its allies; and reducing violence. And that they will sit down with a national and inclusive Afghan negotiating team to chart a future political roadmap for their country together and finalize a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire.

DER SPIEGEL: The next step is supposed to be peace negotiations between the official Afghan government and the Taliban. But Kabul finds itself gripped by a serious political crisis. Two candidates for president have declared themselves winners of the election and held inaugurations. And they both control rival elements of the country’s security forces. How dangerous is the current situation?

Khalilzad: It is dangerous. The Independent Electoral Commission has declared Ashraf Ghani the winner of the presidential election. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah does not accept the results and has raised valid concerns about the electoral process. It is important that the current political crisis does not devolve into violence. Potential violence stemming from the political crisis would have a negative impact on the security forces, on the peace process and on Afghanistan as a whole. We are working day and night to encourage all sides to make sure this does not happen.

DER SPIEGEL: By last Monday, the newly elected government was supposed to have appointed a negotiating delegation. Because of the political crisis following the presidential election, though, that didn’t happen. What’s the next step?

Khalilzad: As I said, this moment holds dangers. But there is also the opportunity for a major advancement in the peace process – if President Ghani and Dr. Abdullah can agree on an inclusive government led by President Ghani, and if that inclusive government can, with other political leaders, name a national negotiating team. From there, inter-Afghan negotiations with the Taliban can begin and the future political roadmap developed. The results of those negotiations would apply and hopefully put us on the road to a lasting peace for the Afghan people.

DER SPIEGEL: What role can be played by Afghanistan’s allies? What can Germany do?

Khalilzad: Germany has offered to host or co-host intra-Afghan negotiations and support our effort to end the current political crisis and encourage the Afghans to form an inclusive national negotiating team. Germany can also support our efforts to push the Taliban to embrace the progress made in the last 18 years and to respect universal values, including the rights of women. It can also encourage other EU countries to do the same. That would be a meaningful contribution.

DER SPIEGEL: In 14 months, U.S. troops and international forces are to be withdrawn from Afghanistan…

Khalilzad: …only if the Taliban stick to their commitments. It’s very important to understand that the Taliban have to do their part. This is a conditions-based agreement. We will not look away if they commit a violation.

DER SPIEGEL: (the mysterious question!)

Khalilzad: That question is not part of our agreement with the Taliban. But we have told them clearly that this is a red line for the Europeans and other allies, and that we would not accept a return to the 1990s with its support of terrible practices. The Taliban cannot count on U.S. or European assistance if they do not respect fundamental internationally recognized rights and human rights. If they do not respect those standards, we will not support them. They would not be accepted as legitimate actors in Afghanistan.

DER SPIEGEL: You are married to a committed feminist and came to Kabul many years ago as ambassador to build a modern country. How frustrated were you when you ended up having to negotiate with the radical Islamist Taliban after all?

Khalilzad: Of course, I would have liked to have seen more progress on the political process. But Afghanistan has also made a lot of strides. I am hopeful a successful peace process will improve the future of this country, politically, economically and socially.

DER SPIEGEL: What does that mean in practice?

Khalilzad: It is perfectly legitimate for certain groups to want the “X” system, and for another group to want the “Y” system. But it must be a system that allows the coexistence of both groups. Violence cannot be the arbiter of political disagreement…

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https://ariananews.co/en

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why me ?

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episode 8

Blue Burqa Destiny

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So that’s my story & I’m stickin’ to it

Of the girl next door with whom I blew it

She’s still a colonel & I’m an old tramp

writing tall ones beside my reading lamp

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Afghaneeland, oh Afghaneeland, we had our thrills

They come, muskets blazing, my backbone a thousand chills

But that girl, a woman now, a legend now

Has captured & carried away my soul somehow

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So bold was she, so wild & free was she

On the saucer outta there a gift I give to thee

Aye, as from Afghaneeland we float thru the sky

Here’s a little gift in remembrance of you & I

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Sitting nex’ me in your teeny-weeny buckskin

As we dash across the sky ‘neath God’s almighty chin

Oh Sheena, my Sheena, Col. Sheena Johnson ’til death

I’ll love you always way way beyond my final breath

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I hand to thee a little something bought & gift-wrapped

So divine when you move all my dreams in the face get slapped

You take it, unwrap it, squirm with a questioning regard

At the blue burqa in your hands you squint so hard

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What can I say but that the garment adds a new dimension

To your awesome display of leadershipful I-dare-not-mention

Oh goddess, I love thee like all planets a-journey

around the sun, so kneel I to adore your pure knee

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Time passes slowly as we pass over the sea

In this U.S. Army saucer afloat lackadaisically

You sit so stiff in your new burqa next to sleepy me

I doze, I awake, you sit so still in my gift to thee

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It covers you so completely in such a modest way

I wonder if it also stops you from having anything to say

I ask you several questions, no word or nod is your reply

The burqa falls to the floor, I let out a horrid cry

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It appears Col. Sheena Johnson is no longer here

I sit all alone in a flying saucer I fear

Her holy war proves to be not the same as mine

Has she mystically returned to Afghaneeland like ~ like sunshine

?

text: copyright clyde collins 2015

Afghaneeland

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taliban attack afghan forces

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by bill roggio

long war journal

march 10, 2020

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The Taliban has launched attacks in against Afghan security forces in 27 of the country’s 34 provinces since it signed an agreement with the U.S. that facilitates the withdrawal of American troops.

Many of these operations are not “small, low-level attacks,” as General Mark Milley, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff characterized them last week.

The Taliban has now claimed credit for 147 attacks since resuming offensive operations against Afghan security forces on March 3, just three days after signing what many have wrongly characterized as a “peace agreement.”

That reported number of attacks – and percentage of provinces hit – may actually be on the low end.

The Taliban claimed credit for those attacks in statements released on Voice of Jihad, its official website which is published in English, Dari, Pashto, Urdu, and Arabic. This number is merely a subset of the attacks carried out by the Taliban; these are only the attacks the Taliban chose to publicize. Note that while the Taliban often exaggerates the result of its operations, it rarely lies about the attacks themselves.

The Taliban operations have occurred nationwide, in 27 of the country’s 34 provinces, with the exception of Baymian, Daykundi, Ghor, Nuristan, Panjshir, Samangan, and Takhar provinces.

These expansive operations are being not carried out by what U.S. Secretary of Defense Mark Esper characterized last week as Taliban “hard-liners” who were failing to honor a reduction in violence agreement. In fact, the Taliban’s official spokesmen has stated that the group was not bound to maintain a reduction in violence, and vowed to resume attacks against Afghan forces. They have done just that…

Rather, the Taliban’s pattern of operations is clear evidence of a systematic effort by the group to resume violence across the country and put additional pressure on an already overstretched Afghan military and police.

Based on the Taliban’s claimed attacks, Helmand remains the most violent province, followed by Balkh, Kandahar, Kunduz and Nangarhar. These five provinces have consistently seen the most violence in Afghanistan.

Downplaying the Taliban’s military operations

Last week, General Milley downplayed the Taliban attacks as largely inconsequential while testifying to the Senate Armed Services Committee. The Taliban was, per its agreement with the U.S., not attacking American forces, but only Afghan forces.

Milley said the Taliban violence consisted of “small, low-level attacks out at checkpoints, etc.,”

“Of significance: There’s no attacks on 34 provincial capitals; there’s no attacks in Kabul; there’s no high-profile attacks; there’s no suicide bombers; there’s no vehicle-born suicide [bombs]; no attack against U.S. forces; no attack against the coalition,” Milley optimistically noted. “There’s a whole laundry list of these things that aren’t happening.”

However, based on the Taliban reports, the group has conducted several significant ambushes, firefights and roadside bombings against Afghan forces in nine provincial capitals: Farah City, Gardez, Ghazni, Jalalabad, Kunduz City, Lashkar Gah, Maiden Shahr, Pul-i-Khurmi, and Tarin Kot.

While these attack may seem less than high profile, they are no less deadly to the beleaguered Afghan security forces. Additionally, as FDD’s Long War Journal has noted for years, the Taliban has focused much of its fighting in Afghanistan’s rural districts to position itself to attack Afghan forces after the U.S. military withdrawals.

The Taliban effectively controls districts that surround several provincial capitals, as well as the roadways that lead into these capitals. Farah City, Ghazni City, Kunduz City, Lashkar Gah, Maimana, and Tirin Kot are all essentially surrounded by the Taliban.

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Bill Roggio is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and the Editor of FDD’s Long War Journal.

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https://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2020/03/since-agreement-with-u-s-taliban-has-attacked-afghan-forces-in-27-of-34-provinces.php

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